Browse Exhibits (5 total)

Dmitrov: Tale of Two City Projects

Exhibit Author: EW

Catherine the Great struggled to create an image of herself as a rational ruler of the Enlightenment. In her memoirs, she emphasizes the regularity of her days and attempts to prove that reasoned deliberation drove all of her actions. This image was not entirely constructed—many of the policies Catherine enacted as Empress can be interpreted as a striving toward this rationality. She distilled this vision of a rational Russia into the Nakaz to the Legislative Commission of 1767 in which she imagined a nation without torture or capital punishment, with fair trials and ordered territories. As a document alone the Nakaz represented a progressive step for a Russian ruler: it was not a list of mandated laws, but rather a set of provocative statements designed to engage citizens in political debate.[1] Although the Nakaz and its corresponding Commission represented an attempt to include the populace in political activity, a look at city planning in the Catherinian period suggests that the empress held a less sympathetic attitude toward community and collaboration than she espoused. The tale of two city projects in the town of Dmitrov reveals the disparity between Catherine’s public advocacy for participatory politics and the reality of her political decisions.


[1] Gareth W. Jones, “The Spirit of the ‘Nakaz’: Catherine II’s Literary Debt to Montesquieu,” The Slavonic and East European Review 76, no. 4 (October 1, 1998): 666.

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Iaitskii Gorodok -- The Rise and Fall of the Pugachev Rebellion

Exhibit Author: CW

The town of Ural’sk, located on the Ural River, was once named Iaitskii Gorodok, and the Ural River was known as the Iaik River.  Iaitskii Gorodok was home to the Iaik Cossacks but the town, the river, and the people were renamed by Catherine the Great in 1775.  Catherine’s decree was issued at the end of the Pugachev Rebellion and erased the identity of the Cossacks who had supported a pretender to the throne.  Emelian Pugachev, a Don Cossack, had claimed to be the former tsar Peter III and called on the disempowered sectors of Russian society (other Cossacks, serfs) to join him in overthrowing his “wife.”  Iaitskii Gorodok played a critical role in Pugachev’s rise and fall.  According to Alexander Pushkin, the writer of the first history about the Pugachev Rebellion, it was malcontent Iaik Cossacks who chose Pugachev to be their puppet leader.  The desire to rise up against Catherine’s officials was already there—all the oppressed needed was someone to lead them.  Pugachev’s first march as “Peter III” was on Iaitskii Gorodok, where he officially released a manifesto proclaiming himself to be the true tsar.  He ultimately took control of the town and returned to it multiple times throughout the rebellion.  The rebellion would also end at Iaitskii Gorodok, as it was where Pugachev’s supporters turned him over to the forces from Moscow.  Iaitskii Gorodok was not only a symbol of the development of the rebellion; it also played a causal role in its very unfolding.

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Moscow, the Capital of Catherinian Russia

Exhibit Author: AS

Moscow began its existence as the capital of a Grand Duchy, a veritable city-state amongst competing principalities. As such, it remained the capital of the expanding state until Peter the Great made Petersburg the capital of the Russian empire in the early 1700s.[1] While Petersburg was the official political capital and generally associated with Westernizing trends it was also the very seat of the monarchy, which resulted in strict autocratic control. Moscow’s distance from Petersburg, combined with the existence of a university, an organ of independent thought, allowed it to contribute very significantly to Russian civil society during the reign of Catherine the Great. At the same time Moscow was more important than Saint Petersburg in terms of economic strength, and had a larger population and a burgeoning civil society. Thus, it was the real capital of Russia during this period. Though Catherine believed that Moscow was backward, against the Enlightenment, and generally symbolic of all that was wrong with Russia, [2] in some ways it’s better characterized as an opposition center to her rule from Petersburg because of its concentration of forces arrayed against her interests, including such accoutrements of civil society as a press, university, and learned societies.


[1] St Petersburg was made the capital in 1704, but it switched back and forth with Peter the Great’s successors, with the final switch occurring under Empress Anne in 1732. This schizophrenia can perhaps be read as a larger conflict within the country over modernization while remaining true to Russian values.

[2] Simon Dixon, Catherine the Great: Profiles in Power, (Essex, England: Pearson 2001), 98. 

Orenburg: An Imperial Stronghold on Russia's Multiethnic Frontier

Exhibit Author: HY

Over 1400 kilometers southeast of Moscow, Orenburg stood in the late 18th century as the only significant imperial Russian fortress in the region of southern Ural (the Iaik River prior to 1774). Many of the inhabitants of Orenburg province were ethnic minorities living on the fringes of the empire. Orenburg’s distance from the political and administrative centers of Russia, yet proximity to the Iaik River, bestowed a potent symbolic and political value on it as the military presence of the tsar on the southern frontier. In 1773, the difficulties of organizing and dispatching tsarist troops against the Pugachev Rebellion, an insurgency led mostly by a core host of Iaik Cossacks, revealed to the imperial government the necessity of developing a more stable relationship with its ethnic minorities, which were often majorities on the frontier.[1]

After its central role in the Pugachev Rebellion, Orenburg became, in 1785, the site of a still-experimental model of assimilation, this time carried out with the Muslim Tatar population in its province.[2] As the imperial government’s sole direct point of contact with its southern frontier subjects, Orenburg played a crucial role in the tsarist strategy to consolidate power over ethnic groups within the Russian empire during the reign of Catherine the Great, becoming the conflict-rife interface between the central authority of Moscow and the ethnic minorities it purported to rule.


[1] Alexander Pushkin, Complete Prose Fiction, trans. Paul Debreczeny (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983).

[2] Simon Dixon, Catherine the Great (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2001), 120.

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Potemkin and Yekaterinoslav - "The Garden of the Empire"

Exhibit Author: SM

Many historians, when looking at Catherine’s annexation of the Crimea, focus solely on her motivations for the annexation being a stepping-stone to accomplish other, father-reaching goals.  This historical focus ignores the important role that Catherine had in mind for the Crimea as an end in and of itself.  The Crimea could be used for exhibiting the fact that she was an Enlightened ruler on par with the great European rulers, and that she was creating an Enlightened empire that would not just copy those of the rest of the world, but be a shining example.  That Catherine valued the Crimea for these purposes can be seen by the actions taken by herself and Potemkin, her main adviser, with relation to this area.

This new land allowed Catherine the opportunity to show her abilities to govern in an Enlightened way in many different aspects.  The more pleasant climate, landscape, vegetation, and the supposed “barbarity” of inhabitants left her ample ways to create her ideal paradise city.  Both Catherine and Potemkin worked hard to create this exemplary city in her conquered territory and make sure that the rest of the world knew of their efforts and accomplishments.

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